This article originally provided by The Charleston Gazette

April 16, 2007

Ted Boettner

Turning around spending priorities: Congressional budgets show renewed commitment to families

Each year, Congress approves a budget that is an explicit expression of the country’s priorities. Recently, the U.S. House of Representatives and Senate both passed budget resolutions that spend more on human needs programs, allow President Bush’s tax cuts for the wealthy to expire after 2010, and institute a pay-as-you-go rule requiring that new social spending or tax cuts would need to be “deficit neutral,” that is, paid for by tax increases or spending cuts.

Both the House and Senate budgets reflect a departure from the Bush administration’s priority of tax cuts and government expansion programs financed by additional borrowing that increased the deficit by $1.4 trillion from 2001 to 2006. The new congressional budgets also reflect a renewed commitment to helping low and moderate-income families with food stamps, children’s health care and other programs serving people and communities in need. The house budget also increases funding for education, housing, the environment, food stamps and health care.

While these renewed spending priorities still place the United States almost last in welfare expenditures among industrialized nations, they are a small step in turning around the nation’s spending priorities. Despite these somewhat positive developments, Rep. Shelley Moore Capito was the only member of West Virginia’s congressional delegation to vote against the budget resolution. Capito voted against the resolution claiming that it represented the “largest tax increase in American history,” costing taxpayers over “$400 billion.”

In fact, the house budget resolution does not raise taxes by a penny but does assume that the regressive Bush tax cuts of 2001 and 2003 (which expire in 2010) will not be extended, allowing the federal government to collect an addition $400 billion over the next five years. Under pay-as-you-go rules, to balance the budget and extend the tax cuts past 2010, Capito and Congress would have to decrease spending or increase revenue. This would mean no more deficits to pay for tax cuts, something that’s been very popular over the last six years in Congress.

Of course, Capito has always known that the tax cuts would expire at the end of 2010 and that the higher, pre-2001 tax rates would return because the Republican-controlled Congress wrote the legislation. If the $400 billion derived from letting the tax cuts expire amounts to the largest tax increase in history, then she bears responsibility for it. In the years since the law was enacted, when the Republicans controlled both the White House and Congress, they never sought to prevent that increase from occurring by extending the current law. Now, a few years from the tax cuts’ expiration, Capito is trying to act as though the tax cuts are already permanent and any proposal to offset the costs of extending them is a “tax increase.” To extend the tax cuts without paying for them — and to vote against a resolution that would require that any extension of the tax cuts be paid for — is fiscally irresponsible and only burdens future generations with massive debt. According to testimony given before Congress last month, to make the tax cuts permanent will cost a total of $5 trillion from 2011 through 2020. That’s a lot of money to put on the nation’s credit card or take out of education and other social service programs.

In addition, Capito’s argument that we’re facing the “biggest tax increase in history” is easily dismantled by the historical record. According to economist Robert McIntyre, the Bush tax cuts are equal to about 1.79 percent of the U.S. gross domestic product. McIntrye notes that during the Vietnam War, taxes increased by about 2.1 percent of GDP; during the Korean War, taxes increased by 4.6 percent of GDP; and during World War II, taxes increased by 14.8 percent of GDP. It’s also important to recognize that the total spending for the Iraq war alone will reach $456 billion by the end of fiscal year 2007. A recent study by Joseph Stiglitz, who is an economics Nobel Prize winner and teaches at Columbia University, and Linda Bilmes, who teaches at Harvard, showed that total future costs for the Iraq war could exceed $2 trillion, largely because of expensive long-term costs for veteran health care. This is a high price tag for a war of choice.

There is much room for improvement in the House budget, which proposes a $12 billion increase to education, housing, the environment, food stamps and health care. The plan offers an important down payment on meeting the needs and values of working-class Americans, but it does not come close to meeting America’s urgent needs. The evidence of America’s losses in recent years is staggering: 150,000 fewer housing vouchers, 150,000 fewer children receiving child care help, far less funding for job training and strengthening communities, broken promises in education, not enough help for our most vulnerable people and much more. The budget should mirror the shared values of Americans — that each of us deserves the opportunity to succeed, to have access to adequate health care, food, housing and education, and the economic security to live with dignity.

It is vital that the final budget resolution have the highest possible figure for domestic needs. It is imperative that Congress work to ensure that the fiscal challenges that have been left by the Bush administration and the previous Congress do not continue for another fiscal year. It is time for the budget to express a practical commitment to build a nation in which every American, young and old alike, is free from hunger, is adequately housed and has access to health care.

Boettner is a research and policy analyst at Mountain State Education & Research Foundation.